Monday, May 23, 2016

RIHLA (Journey 59): ACHILL HENGE, ACHILL ISLAND, CO. MAYO, IRELAND – ACCOUSTIC REFLECTIONS



Rihla (The Journey) – was the short title of a 14th Century (1355 CE) book written in Fez by the Islamic legal scholar Ibn Jazayy al-Kalbi of Granada who recorded and then transcribed the dictated travelogue of the Tangerian, Ibn Battuta. The book’s full title was A Gift to Those who Contemplate the Wonders of Cities and the Marvels of Travelling and somehow the title of Ibn Jazayy's book captures the ethos of many of the city and country journeys I have been lucky to take in past years.

This Rihla is about modern reflections and pre-historic sound in Achill Island.


You get to Achill Henge by travelling through Keel village westwards and about 1km later taking a road to the right, signposted the Hill, just beyond the church in Poolagh. After 50m or so there is a small wooden sign, low to the ground, pointing to a trackway to the right with Achill Henge written on it. From here the road climbs upwards and swings first to the left and then to the right 50m beyond a corrugated shed. The Henge appears as you mount a small rise and although expected, from previously seen photographs, it really is a surprise.




Achill Island Henge was built over a weekend in November 2011 by Irish banking-crisis and serial monumental protestor Joe McNamara. It is built on commonage in which McNamara had an interest. It consists of 30 concrete columns, 4 m high capped by further ring of concrete lintel slabs and is 36 m in diameter and 100 m in circumference. It is situated on a small hill 118m surrounded by upland blanket bogland above the villages of Pollagh and Dooagh on Achill Island, Co. Mayo, Ireland and along side an unpaved hill trackway that meanders northwards and upwards to the deserted famine village on the southern slopes of Slíabh Mór.





Mayo County Council took instant umbrage at the unscheduled development and ordered McNamara to take it down. He appealed to An Bord Pleanála (the National Planning Authority) on a number of grounds but primarily that the Henge constituted an exempted development because he wanted to create an ornamental garden on agricultural land. In July 2012 An Bord Pleanála declared the existing Henge structure unauthorised, and that those works and future planned completion works on the site were not “an exempted development”. McNamara had submitted that in a second phase he planned to construct an inner circle of columns of the same height and a central column 5m high. He also planned a 40m high “lighthouse” and claimed exemption for this as it would be a navigational aid.



It is well that the full development did not get approval. As it stands the Henge is at its simplest and I think most effective and should be retained. The presence of a central column in particular would have taken away or negated what is now a perfect acoustic point, where sound is amplified by its reflection from the surrounding circumference of concrete columns. I always find this phenomenon fascinating, whether it be under the central dome of the Masjed-e Imam (Shah) Mosque in Isfahan, Iran or on the side of mountain in the West of Ireland. In addition to this the acoustic properties and significance of large henge structures such as Stonehenge are increasingly being investigated.


McNamara said the Henge was a place of “reflection” and perhaps this is what he meant. However he also applied for an exempted development status for the site on the grounds that it was a ‘burial ground’ (Class 40 of Part 1 of Schedule 2 of Planning and Development Regulations 2001): a burial ground for the Celtic Tiger!



References:
Acoustic Henges:
http://www.salford.ac.uk/computing-science-engineering/research/acoustics/architectural-and-building-acoustics/acoustics-of-stonehenge
http://www.mayonews.ie/component/content/article?id=15914:british-researcher-pitches-for-achill-henge

Thursday, May 12, 2016

EXTREME VICTIMISATION FROM CHILDHOOD SEXUAL ABUSE




As a forensic examiner involved in the assessment and care of victims of child sexual abuse this outcome breaks my heart! We sincerely believe that if we do our jobs properly then the road to recovery is taken. Not to this!


Thursday, April 21, 2016

RIHLA (Journey 58): TONGUE-TIED IN MARRAKECH

Rihla (The Journey) – was the short title of a 14th Century (1355 CE) book written in Fez by the Islamic legal scholar Ibn Jazayy al-Kalbi of Granada who recorded and then transcribed the dictated travelogue of the Tangerian, Ibn Battuta. The book’s full title was A Gift to Those who Contemplate the Wonders of Cities and the Marvels of Travelling and somehow the title of Ibn Jazayy's book captures the ethos of many of the city and country journeys I have been lucky to take in past years.

This Rihla is about identity and language in Marrakech, Morocco.


Say whatso thou wantest of me? Here am I, they Slave and Slave to whoso holdeth the Lamp; and I am not alone, but all the Slaves of the Wonderful Lamp which thou hendest in hand.
Alaeddin (534th Night)
Vol III Supplemental Nights
Sir Richard Burton
One Thousand Nights and a Night.


Although not fashionable because of his sociological, anthropological and very personal peccadillos I have a 17 Volume Burton Club (Bassorah) edition of Sir Richard Burton’s annotated Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night and do greatly envy his demonstrated facility with Arabic, as well as language in general. It has been calculated that Burton spoke up to 25 European, Asian and African languages and this linguistic ability was both the mark and the making of a great traveller. Were I to find a Jinni in a lamp, and my family, Bless them, has indulged my time travelling the roads and browsing the bazars of the middle and near east in search of this allegorical fantasy, I would ask for that facility alone. In setting the Jinni free I would set myself free!   



My poor personal facility for languages is something I regret enormously. Not just in the spoken form but also an inability to fully grasp the technical aspects of linguistics, thus missing out somewhat on a vital aspect of a critical understanding of our evolution as human beings. This inability to understand, if extended to many individuals at a base level, has consequences for society because when one cannot decipher what someone is saying to us (be it asking for the time-of-day or explaining the meaning of time) we consider that person rather than ourselves, which would be an admission of ignorance, because they are "unintelligible" to be somehow uncivilised and barbarian and use that perception as a barrier, as an exclusion, and often-as-not as a basis for confrontation.

In a reflection of the society they exist within, particularly where language and understanding are concerned, some cities are social rather than sociable; offering a cautious rather than curious welcome to the merchant, to the wayfarer, to the migrant, or to the barbarian.

The "Babs" of Marrakech

Not so Marrakech, either in language or attitude. I travelled there recently for ten days to stay within its city walls. Despite conflicting sensations to the contrary – the main square Jemaa el-Fna is translated as the Assembly Place of the Dead and yet was the inspiration in 2001 for the UNESCO Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity project – Marrakech is a genuine city of welcomes, of tolerance to human vicissitudes, of tolerance of misunderstandings and of multiple apertures of light, and language and of right-of-passage that perforate its once necessary inner and outer defensive walls.

Jemaa el-Fna looking towards Koutiba Minaret

Snail Sellers Jemaa el-Fna

In Ibn Khaldun’s 14th century book, Kitab al-‘Ibar (Book of Exemplary Information or History of the World), Volumes 6 and 7 of which cover the history of the Berber people, he talks about language and what it means. He states, when writing about the standard Arabic spoken at that time, “The language of the Mashriq (Islamic East) is somewhat different from that of the Maghreb (Islamic West), and likewise that of Andalus (Southern Spain: Land of the Vandals) from both. Yet each succeeds, with his own language, in realising his purpose and expressing what is within him. That is what is meant by “tongue” and “language”.


Marrakech as a city is fully capable of realising its “purpose” and expressing what is “within” it. It was and is the first true city of the Berber, the so-called “tongue-tied”.

To explain! The Latin Romans first encountered the native tribes of the North African coastline – most famously in the form of skirmishing and harassing javelin-throwing light cavalry, but also as light infantry – as mercenaries fighting for Carthage in the Battle for Agrigentum in Sicily in 262 BCE during the first Punic War. Most of these mercenaries would have been from the Massylii kingdom of Gala, who were then allies of Carthage and Garamantes from the south and south-east of Carthage. Further west along the present-day coastline of Algeria was the Masaesyli Kingdom of Syphax and in 202 BCE the two confederations were amalgamated into what became known in the Greco-Roman World as the Kingdom of Numidia, and a client Kingdom of Rome following the defeat of Carthage in the Third Punic War in 146 BCE.


Polybius the Greek historian whose Histories covered the era 264-146 BCE in detail, referred to the natives of the Kabyle as Nŏmădes, from the Greek Noμας meaning “pasturing stocks”, and in Latin translations this became “Numidae”. The appellation was subsequently applied to the Kingdom of Numidia as a whole, the Kingdom of the Nomads or Numidians.

Although grudgingly admiring the horsemanship of the “Numidian cavalry” in the wars against them the Romans nevertheless considered the Massylii and Masaesyli and other Imazighen North African tribal peoples to be “barbarians”, and this was because of their language. Sallust wrote in 40 BCE, when describing the Mauri (from which the name Moor derives) peoples to the west of Numidia, as them having a “barbarous tongue”. The Imazighen peoples spoke an Afro-Asiatic language in contrast to the Indo-European Latin. 

Numidian Cavalry depicted on Trajan's Column in Rome

The descriptive word “Barbarian” derives from the Latin “barbarus”, and is itself derived from the Greek “barbaros” meaning foreign, or strange or ignorant, and was usually applied by ancient Greeks to the Persians and Medes. The Greek word (c.3000 BCE) “barbaros” itself derives from a Proto-Indo European (c.5000 BCE) word “bar-bar” meaning the “unintelligible speech of foreigners”, a “r” variant of the even earlier “ba-ba” (c.6000 BCE), an onomatopoeic imitation of a child’s babbling, which meant when applied to an individual as them being “tongue-tied”. Sanskrit, another very early derivative language (c.2000 BCE) of old Indo-Aryan and Proto-Indo-European, also had “bar-bara” which meant “stammering”.


The Romans found the Afro-Asiatic Kabyle (Taqbaylit) language of the “Numidians” unintelligible, strange and foreign and as a consequence applied the word “Barbaricae” to them as a collective. The Byzantines on the other hand, who had control of North Africa for a time, referred to the North African nomadic and settled natives as Mazikes. This may have been a derivative perhaps from the Meshwash Berber peoples of Cyrenica where the Byzantines first established, and a very established (c.1100 BCE) Libyo-Berber confederation with perhaps even earlier origins in the neolithic Capsian culture of North Africa (c.7000 BCE). Equally the word may have derived from MSSKWI, a tribal title found in the few bilingual Punic - Libyan texts extant. Whatever the origin it is thought that Mazikes as a word later informed the modern word Amazigh, the word the Berbers now use to describe themselves as a people. 

When the Arab Muslim armies invaded North Africa to rout out the Byzantines between 647 and 670 CE and establish the Islamic province of Ifriqiya they met fierce resistance by the local tribes and adopting the Roman name for the Kabyle natives referred to them as al-Barbar. The Arabs stereotypically distrusted the al-Barbar and perpetuating the original Greek and Roman understanding of “barbarous” often referred to al-Barbar as the most “contemptible” (akass al-umam) and treacherous (al-nās) of peoples, primarily because they would not keep to the terms of any pacts or treaties they agreed to.

Ibn Khaldun an Arab in his complimentary 14th century history of the Berber people tried to explain, “Their language is a foreign idiom which is different from all others. This is the very reason they were called al-Barbar.”

The collective Arabic al-Barbar name subsequently became Berber in 16th and 17th Century European literature and the name Barbary Coast was applied in general to the Moroccan-Algerian-Tunisian Rif and Kabyle coastline.


The Berber people, whose present day agricultural domiciles and nomadic ranges stretch from Libya to North West Morocco, to Senegal, to Mali and Niger, to the Hoggar mountains and Western Sahara refer to themselves in the singular as Amazigh, meaning “free man” – a similar Toureg word Amajegh also means “noble”  – and the language they speak is called Imazighen of which there are about 15 main dialects and over 300 sub-dialects. One of the largest, and most used, variants is that of Tamazight found in the Middle Atlas. In its written form it has three vowels and 38 consonants. It has been estimated that the total number of Imazighen speakers in North Africa to be about 30 million.

This notion of language and belonging is also important. Fard is a Berber word which means that the “individual is nothing without the tribe” and yet the modern Berber is often more defined by the State by the dialect he or she speaks – and thus placing his or her origins in a particular ethnographic locality – than by the “tribe” he belongs to. In Morocco Imazighen is an official language but in Algeria, Tunisia and Libya there is a reluctance (or deliberate intent) to grant official recognition and speaking an Imazighen dialect has become a core mark of identity and a touchstone of self-determination and Berber rights in these countries.

The Arabs and Berbers were always uneasy bedfellows despite having Islam in common. There was (and still is) the conflict of the rural Berber with the urban Arab and most of these conflicts over time involved a religious confrontation as well where a rigid, rural, nomadic application of faith would conflict with an urban laxity. Renewal of that faith always appeared out of the desert, from the south.

Modern Berber (Imazighen) speaking areas of North Africa
and 12th Century Trading Routes

In 1053 CE a Berber army under a Maliki Sunni law religious zealot Abdallah ibn Yasin and a Lamtuna tribal chieftain Yahya ibn Umar took control of the western and southern Sahara and the desert trade routes. They became known as the Almoravids from al-Murabitin (Men of the Ribat frontier missionary fortresses) or Mulaththamun (People of the Litham or Veil in deference to the distinctive Touareg-style head dress worn by the Lamtuna). Following the death of Yahya ibn Umar in battle in 1057 CE control of the Almorahad armies passed to his brother Abu Bakr ibn Umar. In 1062 CE ibn Umar’s handed control of his favourite wife Zaynab and the lands north of the Atlas to his successor and cousin, the charismatic and capable Yusuf ibn Tashfin and returned southwards to continue his fighting in the desert. It was ibn Tashfin who established the misr or garrison city of Marrakech, and whose early gates were barred to ibn Umar when he returned briefly from the desert warfare in 1070 CE. In 1085 ibn Tashfin's name replaces ibn Umar's on Almoravid coinage. 

Marrakech is thought to mean “Country of the Kush” or peoples from South of the Sahara and reflects the fact that it perhaps was built to garrison the large number of black South Saharans in the Almoravid armies close to the established garrison city of Aghmat. By 1080 CE ibn Yashin had conquered all of what is now present-day Mauretania, Morocco and western Algeria and in 1086 turned his attention to Spain. In the battle of Sagrajas in October 1086 the third division of ibn Yashin's army contained about 2000 black Sub-Saharan armed with curved swords and long javelins. These troops may have been part of the contingent that was first garrisoned in the new city of Marrakech.

Almoravid leader Abu Bakr in 14th Century Catalan Atlas


In 1120 CE, another Berber army, initially of Masmuda tribesmen, was gathered in Tin Mel at the foot of the Tizi N’Test pass in the High Atlas mountains south of Marrakech by the Zahiri Sunni, and self-declared Mahdi, ibn Tumart. Decrying the consensus approach (ijima) of the Maliki school of Sunni Law ibn Tumart’s followers, the al-Muwahhidun or Unitarians, became known as the Almohads. Descending out of the mountains in 1130 CE by 1173 CE the Almohads had wrested control of Morocco, most of the North African coastline, Spain and the Balearic Islands from the Almoravids.

TinMel Mosque

TinMel Mosque Mihrab

Almohad Arches in TinMel Mosque

The Almohads took control of Marrakech in 1147 CE and after destroying much of the preceding Almoravid architecture (they claimed the qibla was orientated wrongly and therefore whole buildings) it is their architectural mark (the Koutoubia, Ben Yussuf and Kashba mosques and minarets as well as the castellated city walls) that still defines the city. Around this time ‘Abd al Mu’min (1130-1163 CE), the second Caliph of the Almohads took the title Amir al-Mu’minin, Commander of the Faithful, a title the current King of Morocco Mohammed VI still retains.

Market Outside Bab el-Khemis. High Atlas
Mountains Behind.


The Almohad architecture of Marrakech however brings with it an interesting "full circle" to this story. Although the Berbers have been defined since Roman times as “Barbarians” by the inability of the Romans to understand their language, the Berbers too in a similar fashion have perpetuated a name for those they cannot understand, particularly those speaking any of the Mande languages from Mali and Guinea. The name is preserved in one of the 19 major external portal gates or babs that perforate the city walls. The gate in question is the Bab Agnaou.

Bab Agnaou Main Gate

Bab Agnaou Inner Gate


Agnaou derives from the Berber Tamazight word “agnaw” which literally means a “deaf man”, implying a man who cannot understand or speak the Berber languages. The name was applied by the Berbers, as they moved southwards towards the Senegal and Niger Rivers, to the Black Sub-Saharan Africans they came in contact with but could not understand. Unlike the Romans before them however the name was not perpetuated as derogatory towards these Black African subjects and given the fact that Marrakech, or Place of the People of Kush, was probably first built or conceived as a garrison city for Black Sub-Saharan infantry units of the Berber Almoravid army and also as a home to the later Almohad armies, the ceremonial Bab Agnaou, which lead directly to the heart of the Kashba or citadel, was constructed as one of the most elaborate and therefore most honorific entrances to the city.


Marrakech was built for people from beyond the pale of language and understanding. It embraced rather than excluded the “Barbarians” and does so today.




Wednesday, March 02, 2016

RIHLA (Journey 57): THE QUAYS TO CONNEMARA – PART 6: CASHEL, ROUNDSTONE AND CLOONILE BAYS – GIANTS AND MOTHER-GODDESSES ROAMING



Rihla (The Journey) – was the short title of a 14th Century (1355 CE) book written in Fez by the Islamic legal scholar Ibn Jazayy al-Kalbi of Granada who recorded and then transcribed the dictated travelogue of the Tangerian, Ibn Battuta. The book’s full title was A Gift to Those who Contemplate the Wonders of Cities and the Marvels of Travelling and somehow the title of Ibn Jazayy's book captures the ethos of many of the city and country journeys I have been lucky to take in past years.

Quays of Connemara - Part VI
This is the SIXTH Rihla (see: Rihlas 47,49,52,53 &55) about the quays and slipways of the Connemara maritime (Conmhaicne Mara) coastline this time exploring those of Roundstone, Cashel  and Cloonile Bays.





The whole landscape a manuscript
We had lost the skill to read
A part of our past disinherited:
But fumbled, like a blind man
Along the fingertips of instinct

John Montague
A Lost Tradition – The Rough Field
Dolmen Press 1972

Roundstone Harbour

I remember reading – deliberately seeking out – Montague’s poem  following a visit to the astonishing Neolithic urban complex at Çatalhöyük (c.8000 BCE)  near Konya and the earlier temple complex at Göbekli Tepe (c.9,000 BCE), northeast of Sanliurfa (Edessa) in Turkey in April 2012; elaborate, organised societal constructs that had been in existence for millennia and were already being abandoned before even the first peoples crossed over to a post-glacial Ireland. 

In Turkish Göbekli Tepe means “Potbelly Hill”, and Çatalhöyük means "Forked Mound" descriptive toponyms (or for the purists, oronyms) of the appearance of the landscape on which the complexes are found. Being a romantic traveller “Potbelly Hill” or "Forked Mound" did not – despite a well-grounded understanding of the Turkish way of calling it like they see it – quite do it for me. Surely the extraordinary legacy of these sites should have had a more descriptive memory? But then I realised, as Montague had implied, parts of our past become ‘disinherited’, eroded more by language than perhaps by time. In Göbekli’s and Çatalhöyük's case Hattian, Assyrian, Hittite, Persian, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Arab and Turk conquest had ensured this erasure of pre-historic topographic memory.


Gobekli Tepe Turkey 
Temple Complex c. 9000 BCE
(April 2012)

Çatalhöyük Excavations
(April 2012)


The Goddess of Çatalhöyük (replica)
(c.8000 BCE)

Yet, by way of solace, I also realised that all was not lost is this descriptive disinheritance, at least where pre-historical memories were concerned. In Ireland’s case, ensured by isolation and the later Bronze Age arrival of Celtic races whose language and storytelling embraced what had gone before, the pre-history was preserved in the landscape, a memory of a time when giants and mother-goddesses could shape both that landscape and human destiny.

The Quays of Roundstone, Cloonile and Cashel Bays


The R341 and R342 roads that link Roundstone and Cashel in Connemara, with a junction at Toombeola Bridge, define a sociological tidal zone: a transition between the ancient, feral, scavenging, small-holding, climín (climín feamainne – seaweed bales) gathering, Irish-speaking south and south-western parts of Connemara and the semi-planted, Victorian, English-speaking western and north-western parts. It is a very particular landscape where the croísin seaweed gathering poles have been laid down in favour of the theodolite.

Derryadd West Pier

The distance between Roundstone and Cashel is only 13.5km and takes by car about twenty minutes. Yet in that journey you not only cross over a land distinguished by a change in language and attitude but also one that retains the lore of mythological giants and mother goddesses who shaped and named the land before ever a Celtic cattle-raid was made. This is all the more apparent if you hesitate on that journey and stand for a moment on Toombeola Bridge, the “sacred centre” of this particular journey.

Location of Bencullagh, Toombeola and Aillenacally

On one bitter-cold mid-January day that I was there a snowfall of the previous evening, like a sprinkling of icing sugar, separated the grey granite of the low mountains from the even lower grey sky. Beneath me the salmon-filled Owenmore River cascaded to the sea from Ballynahinch Lake and to the north rose the Twelve Pins, the mountains of Connemara that are called in Irish Na Beanna Beola, the bens or peaks of Beola.

Scrahallia Quay
Cashel-Zetland Quay

Beola, was a chieftain of the Fomorian race, the supernatural race of people who the Celts presumed had preceded them, a mythological giant of a post-glacial era who had shaped the mountains to his will. His burial site was supposed to be at nearby Tuaim Beola or Toombeola, where a cairn of stones marking the spot had been robbed to build an abbey in 1427, which then also become ruined; those same cairn stones being moved again to build a small O’Flaherty castle on an island in Ballynahinch lake.



Canower  Quay

To the north of the bridge, beyond Ben Lettery, which overlooks Ballynahinch lake, is Ben Cullagh or An Chailleach, the Hag, named after the mythological mother of Beola. Her association with this area does not end there for south of the bridge there is a small, peninsular townland that links those mountains to the sea, links Beola to his mother, and which is called Aillenacally or Aill na Caillí, the Cliff of the Hag.

Looking directly north along the river that drains Toombeola Lake
into the sea at Aill na Callí (Aillenacally).The first mountain to 
left of centre is Bencullagh or An Chailleach (The Hag) 
with its denuded quartzite scree exposed slopes.


The Caillí or more commonly the Cailleach Bhéarra, or Hag of Beara, is one of the most persistent folkloric memories of a mythological mother goddess, an Indo-European crone whose name is retained on the coastlines from the north of Scotland to the south-western tip of Ireland. 



An Cailleach Bhéarra Rock
Beara Peninsula West Cork


Venus of Willendorf
(c.28,000 BCE)

The Cailleach Bhéarra was, in our modern interpretation of the past, an inheritor of the Paleolithic (c.27,000 BCE) Venus of Willendorf, or the seated Goddess of Çatalhöyük (c.8000 BCE): the fecund goddess of winter, the earth-mother who could create and shape landscapes and individual rocks and who was also responsible for the winds and tides of destruction. In an early pagan Gnostic interpretation of the forces of good and evil that shape our human world the Cailleach represented the dark side and as such she demanded appeasement and was a primary target for eradication when the Christian missionaries landed on our shores.

Wallace's Quay Lettercamus

Cuan na Loinge (Ship Harbour) Lettercamus


And yet she persisted in both memory and in the landscape. The Hag of Beara rock, a whitewashed pillar decorated with votive coins and bric-a-brac ( appealing in the main to the fertility prowess of the Hag, a form of In-Petrous Fertilisation you might say!), near Eyeries on the northern coast of the Beara peninsula is probably the most venerated of her old veneration sites, and a tangible link with our pre-historic past. Nearby Dursey Island, in Irish Oileán Baoi is named after the Cailleach Bhéarra and she is thought to have her final resting place in the townland of Baile na Cailleach on the Island. 

The bogland between Aill na Callí and Toombeola

 Aillenacally – Aill na Caillí – Village and Quays: The Wrath of the Cailleach

Summer of youth in which we were,
I have spent with its autumn,
Winter of age drowns everybody,
Its harvest has come to me.

Stanza 19
Caillech Bérri
(Old Irish poem written c.900 CE)

The village of Aillenacally – Aill na Callí – on the south eastern shore of the small peninsula has succumbed to the wrath of the Cailleach. Abandoned by the last villager Peter Ward, who had lived without neighbours for nearly 12 years, in 1995 it comprises of about 14 roofless, thick-walled cottages and outbuildings that tumble down to the sea. It is reached by traversing a narrow road that first dips and then rises across a boggy flatland.

On reaching the village it is hard not, when looking back, to think of Peadar O’Donnell’s 1929 novel Adrigoole, and the reasons for villages like his fictional village right along the western seaboard being lost in time and place to economic emigration. The landscape is the protagonist. This is where the bog is sinister, or as O’Donnell writes, “subjugating” its inhabitants; where,

“Only low-lifed things could live in there; fat, bulbous lazy frogs that come out of soft,lifeless, spongy spawn, and go out again in slimy, clammy death.”

Ward's Harbour Aill na Caillí

Below the last rise out of the bog there are two old harbours with crumbling walls, one of which is protected by a slim, 19th century sea-wall that stretches now without purpose into Cloonile Bay.

In the early 1990s a man called Paddy Power bought up the whole village and 65 acres of land and began to market the ruined village as the oldest village in Ireland. After court fights with his neighbours over access to commonage, and with his solicitors over difficulties in registering titles, Power sold the village to an anonymous buyer in 2008. One house in the village, Peter Ward’s, has been restored as holiday home but the remainder remain derelict. (Turtle Bunbury writes movingly of encounters with the last villagers Tony Ward and Mikey Conneely and I reference the link below). 

The Donkeys of Aill na Caillí

The first harbour you encounter as you climb a gate and follow a donkey path is Ward’s Harbour, its low walls crumbling back into the sea.



O'Donnell's Quay Aill na Caillí

In the once main harbour a short distance westwards a dilapidated blue-hulled hulk of a schooner called the Manissa of Cork, lies forlorn, like tidal flotsam trapped within the crumbling walls of the old quayside, just about protected from the sea’s complete destruction by the slim 1820s breakwater. Paddy Power and his daughter had used the schooner as their home when he owned the village and the battered hulk was included in the 2008 sale.  At the neck of the breakwater is the ruin of a house that used belong to a Stephen O’Donnell.
O'Donnell's House Aillenacally



In Peadar O'Donnell’s later 1933 drama Wrack he intones an ancient history and the memory of the destructive winter gales of the fecund storm goddess Cailleach Bhéarra, bringing both pleasure and pain to mankind, when he has his character Fanny Brien lament,

“The thick thighs of the waves crushed the life out of our men, for I saw it.”

In the case of Aill na Caillí, the Cailleach, the Xenia Onatopp of mythology, the goddess of the winter storms has done just that: to man and stone.     



References:
Gobekli Tepe:
 Aillenacally – Aill na Caillí:
http://www.turtlebunbury.com/published/published_features/pub_feats_aileenacally.html